At 7:48 a.m. on Monday, Serbia’s Republic Electoral Commission (RIK) had processed results from 7,998 polling stations. In that partial count, the Student List had 2,158,583 votes, or 52.33%. The “Aleksandar Vučić – United Serbia” list had 1,626,684 votes, or 39.44%. RIK put turnout at 68.76%. [1]
A separate Ipsos/CeSID projection based on 98.4% of its sample put the Student List at 53% and 141 seats. Vučić’s list was projected to win 38.8% and 103 seats; four minority lists were expected to take six seats combined. This seat allocation is a projection, not the final official result. The commission’s figures cover polling stations whose records had been processed by that point. [2]
Vučić concedes defeat
The snap election on 25 October was for all 250 seats in Serbia’s National Assembly. A majority requires 126 seats. Former president Aleksandar Vučić, who resigned in September and led the governing camp’s bid to become prime minister, conceded defeat on election night. He had initially estimated that the Student List would win between 135 and 140 seats. [3]
The result challenges the political dominance of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), which has been in government since 2012. The Student List grew out of a protest movement that gained momentum after a railway-station canopy collapsed in Novi Sad on 1 November 2024, killing 16 people. Students and their supporters demanded answers, political accountability and stronger action against corruption. [3][4]
From protest to responsibility for government
The election creates the prospect of a new parliamentary majority, but it does not yet produce a government. The list brings together candidates from different backgrounds. It remains to be seen whether, beyond shared calls for the rule of law and public accountability, they can agree on a workable governing programme. A large number of seats would therefore be both a mandate and a test.
Before election day, international observers had warned of a highly polarized campaign environment. Their concerns included allegations of intimidation and violence, the safety of journalists and observers, the accuracy of voter registers and media oversight. These concerns relate to the conditions of the campaign; by themselves, they do not show that counted ballots are wrong. At the time of writing, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) had not yet published its preliminary assessment. [4][5]
Final figures still to come
RIK said results would be published as they came in, with the official total determined after counting was complete. The distribution of seats therefore remains provisional. If the projection is confirmed, the Student List could govern with an outright majority. The political shift would then be under way; whether it leads to stable institutions and concrete reforms will depend on the next steps in parliament and government formation. [2][6]